Law and Public Policy

D15 - Practices and Representations at the Intersection of Law and Public Policy: the Case of Minorities

Date: Jun 1 | Time: 08:45am to 10:15am | Location: Classroom - CL 345 Room ID:15737

Chair/Président/Présidente : Bruno Dupeyron (University of Regina)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Michael Poplyansky (University of Regina)

Session Abstract: This multiple paper panel seeks to explore, at the intersection of law and public policy, how practices and representations are constructed, instrumentalized and used. This panel is bilingual, with contributions in English and French. Discussions may be in both languages. The focus of this panel on minorities allows to analyze several issues, for instance the differentiated representations of law and public policy by minorities and majorities, as well as the existence or absence of public debate in order to challenge or reconcile those representations. Another issue relates to the practices of certain minority rights, as they are affected by specific modes of policy implementation and evaluation; conversely, the ways in which some public policy practices contradict legislative norms deserve to be scrutinized. The papers in this panel analyze the following cases: (1) refugees as ethno-racial minorities whose access to universal healthcare is studied in Canada and Brazil in comparative perspective (Segatto) (2) Acadians as linguistic and cultural minority in New Brunswick who decide to use in the 1908s judicial reviews instead of political action (Poplyansky) (3) post-colonial employers as a minority of foreign employers in Congo (Nzunguba) (4) foreign-born disabled people as a minority of crimmigrants (Dupeyron & Segatto)

Refugees and Universal Health Care Systems in Federal Countries: The Cases of Brazil and Canada: Catarina Segatto (Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy)
Abstract: Refugees face different barriers accessing health care services due to cultural, language, and communication differences, financial constraints, lack of information and poor understanding of public health services. Furthermore, scholarship highlights that there are differences in service coverage and provision between high-income and low and middle-income countries as a result of political instability, poorly developed infrastructure, fragile health system and, in some cases, discrimination, sexual assaults, abuses, and physical violence. Grounded on this discussion, this paper seeks to comprehend the influence of institutional variables, particularly, federal institutional contexts, on health care access to refugees in high-income and low and middle-income countries through a comparison between Brazil and Canada. This paper also contributes to the debate on universality of social policies in federal countries, which addresses the role of federal governments and intergovernmental relations in guaranteeing health care coverage across countries. Both Brazil and Canada have universalized health care systems that cover refugees. However, they vary in their degree of centralization/ decentralization, allowing the understanding of the implications of federalism and intergovernmental relations on health care access to refugees. The analysis of documents and in-depth interviews with representatives from governments and non-profit organizations in both countries highlights that, although the Canadian health care system is highly decentralized, the federal government has a stronger role than in the Brazilian case. Nevertheless, barriers still exist: the lack of coordination among governments in both countries reinforces some of them, though non-profit organizations and municipal governments have adopted strategies to surpass them.

Le droit comme outil de cooptation du nationalisme acadien au Nouveau-Brunswick: Michael Poplyansky (La Cité universitaire francophone)
Abstract: Au tournant des années 1980, le nationalisme acadien se détourne de l'arène politique pour se concentrer davantage sur le terrain judiciaire. En ciblant des acteurs clés de l'époque, notamment le Parti acadien et la Société des Acadiens du Nouveau-Brunswick, nous illustrerons le contraste entre les stratégies adoptées avant et après ce tournant judiciaire: d'une quête d'une province acadienne ou d'une refonte complète de l'État néo-brunswickois, l'on passe à la lutte pour l'enchâssement de la loi 88 sur l'égalité des communautés linguistiques dans la constitution canadienne. Nous nous demanderons si cette évolution reflète des attentes collectives plus modestes de la part des Acadiens du Nouveau-Brunswick. Enfin, nous nous interrogerons sur les facteurs sociétaux qui expliqueraient cette transition de la politique au droit, et sur les perspectives d'avenir du nationalisme acadien.

Le patronat néo-colonial en R.D.Congo: Ibio Nzunguba (La Cité universitaire francophone)
Abstract: Le patronat néo-colonial en R.D.Congo comprend les chefs d’entreprise originaires de plusieurs pays dont la Chine, l’Inde, le Liban, le Pakistan... Ils sont installés dans d’importants centres urbains, portuaires et industriels du Congo. Bien qu’ils vivent en situation minoritaire par rapport à la majorité de la population locale, ces patrons tiennent les rênes de l’économie congolaise grâce à leurs entreprises qui opèrent dans une variété de secteurs : les minerais, l’agro-alimentaire, les cosmétiques, les boissons alcoolisées...Même si leurs affaires contribuent à éponger le taux de chômage qui a atteint des proportions alarmantes en R.D.Congo, il faut signaler que leur conduite laisse un tant soit peu à désirer. En effet, par la corruption, ces patrons ont réussi à tisser des relations personnelles avec des « parrains » qui travaillent dans la haute sphère du gouvernement congolais, en l’occurrence des ministres et militaires (surtout des généraux). Protecteurs, ces derniers veillent sur la sécurité et les intérêts de ces chefs d’entreprise. Fort de leurs capitaux et imbus de la protection dont ils bénéficient, ces chefs d’entreprise se comportent en conquérants et dominateurs. Le climat de travail et la conduite de ces patrons ne rappellent pas moins les méthodes de travail inhumaines qui ont prévalu sous la colonisation belge. Les conditions de travail des chefs d’entreprise néo-coloniaux et de leurs employés congolais nous interpellent, et notre conférence compte en révéler la (dé)mesure et les enjeux.

“Only the Best, Only the Most Fit and Only the Most Productive”: Emergence and Steadiness of Canadia: Bruno Dupeyron (Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy), Catarina Segatto (Johnson-Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy)
Abstract: Canadian immigration legislation and public policy have constantly imposed restrictions on disabled migrants. The risk that disabled immigrants would represent a “public charge” on society has later been reconceived in the context of the welfare state: immigrants being an “excessive demand on healthcare and social services” are inadmissible. Based on ableist principles, this facet of Canada’s immigration policy has also been influenced by eugenic ideas. The paradox is that, in spite of the liberal immigration policy reforms in the 1960s and 1970s, this component of legislation and policy has been covered by a thin legislative and bureaucratic veil, but has never been repealed. This paper questions this paradox. After a review of historical archives (legislation and annual reports) and secondary sources, semi-structured interviews of MPs, NGO representatives, immigration lawyers and consultants, and public servants have been conducted. An analysis of the data collected is analyzed with Fligstein and McAdam’s theory of fields, and leads to several findings: first, this ableist policy must be situated in the context of Canada’s formation and type of capitalism, where disability is seen as an insurmountable obstacle to citizenship. Secondly, ableist borders suggest that Canada’s health and social services are under siege, and allow to stage sovereignty. Finally, this policy conflates immigrants’ disability with crimmigration: applicants in Canada serve sometimes as an example of Canada’s iron fist, sometimes as an example of Canada’s good heart; they also serve to deter disabled individuals and families with a disabled person from migrating to Canada.